MEND, Boko Haram, and presidential amnesty (2)

MEND, Boko Haram, and presidential amnesty (2)
| credits: File copy

Because it falls within the President’s legal authority to grant pardons, I would neither oppose nor support the move to grant Boko Haram a pardon. It is a decision he, and he alone, must make. But he must ask himself, or be able to answer three questions: “Will the violence stop if he acquiesces to the demands of powerful Nigerians from the North?”; “What if Boko Haram and its affiliated members refuse the amnesty and continue with the carnage?;” and finally, “How would he react to copycats and to dormant groups with same or similar intentions?” As simple as these questions may sound, they are truly loaded. We have a country where most people’s allegiance is not to the state or country – but to ethnicity, religion, and other trivialities.

Unless the President has the answers – coupled with the political will and courage and the security/intelligence wherewithal to deal with the unintended consequences of an amnesty-gone-awry — he had better not go to bed with both eyes closed. And if he did, it would be in his best interest to keep one of his bedroom windows open. Danger lurks!

Now that the President has entertained the idea of a presidential amnesty, he cannot now turn his back. This is the sad irony: If he signs off on the amnesty, he’ll be in trouble in the South and with a wing of the military/security agency; if he doesn’t, he’d be in trouble in the North with a sizeable number of the religious and political class. Really, this is a volatile and unpredictable situation. In spite of my tenure-long criticism of his policies and pronouncements, I do not envy him. I don’t! Perhaps, the President should have stuck to his mantra: “I cannot deal with ghosts…come out of your hiding, make yourselves known and then we can talk.” The brains and brawns behind the group have refused to come out; yet, the President wants to talk. Who is he going to be talking to? Same ghosts?

In spite of my neutrality, I can only take a guess at what the downsides and upsides might be. For instance, an amnesty is likely to (a) make the President and his Presidency look weak; (b) embolden other groups to commit more or greater atrocities; (c) in matters of safety and security, the military, security and intelligence personnel are not likely to take him seriously again; and (d) resentful members of the Armed Forces may attempt to or actually terminate his rule. In the end, I wonder if he’d be able to live this down – especially if (a) the group refuses the amnesty, and or (b) the violence continues.

But of course, if it works out for him and for the country, he will look like a genius. The political capital in his account will be unimaginable. The Peoples Democratic Party presidential primary and the 2015 presidential election would be akin to a walk in the park, a stroll on the beach, actually. His doubters and critics would be put to shame. But how did we get to this point: How did we get to the point where anybody –any goddam felon with cult-like following – can threaten the government and the people and get away with it? Sadly, we have not seen the last of this type of acts.

It is not just this government’s fault, it must be told. These have been going on for ages. In recent memory, for instance, deliberate policies to encourage nationhood have been far and in-between. Public policies that target economic growth and political development have been scant. Peace and tranquility have been sporadic; equality of regions and religions has been an afterthought. And except perhaps in the early years of the post-independence and or post-war years, older generations barely think of planting trees for the younger ones. One of the consequences of all of these deficits is that many Nigerians do not love their country. Nigeria, to them, is an abstract concept. The emotional and intellectual attachment is not there, hence, many are quick to do damage to the country.

The primary obligation of any government is, first and foremost, the well-being of the people. To this you add the survival of the nation. All else is secondary. What is a country without the people? The people are the most significant element in any geographical space. They have to be taken care of by way of basic human needs. And in their relationship with the government, there must be a sense of justice, nationhood, benevolence, care and dignity. If these are absent, or are in very short supply, then, detachment, indifference, and hostility set in.

Under such a condition, no amount of police, military, or intelligence activity will truly matter.

And when insecurity becomes the order of the day, survival of the nation becomes utterly difficult. This is the path Nigeria has been on for a while now. And especially since 1999 under the PDP rule, the survival of the state has come into question: the peaceful existence of Nigeria’s multitudes and multiplicities are, at best, doubtful. Our private and public spaces are perilous.

Back to the issues of presidential pardon: if President Jonathan is going to acquiesce to the suggestion coming from some quarters, then, he might as well consider other proposals: First, Boko Haram ought to take a three-month break, after which its representatives sit with the government to iron things out. Second, the government must compensate all those who were injured, had their properties damaged, and who were displaced. Third, the government must compensate the families of all those who lost their lives since the bloodletting began. Fourth, all those who were accused of the Warri and the Independence Day bombings must be pardoned, also.

One death is way too many and highly regrettable, but what are 12 lives compared to 2,500 that were snuffed out by Boko Haram? In essence, Henry and Charles Okah, along with their associates, should also be considered as part of the amnesty package. If the main goal of the impending amnesty is peace and tranquility and security, then, the MEND’s matter must be brought to its logical conclusion: FREE THE OKAH BROTHERS!

Briefly, three other issues: the National Security Adviser, Col. Mohammed Sambo Dasuki (retd.), should as soon as possible redesign the nation’s national security policy; the President should authorise the appropriate authority to take a critical look at our prison system with a view to reforming it, and to immediately pardon some felons – especially those who have served half of their sentences. And finally, the time to convene a National Sovereign Conference is now.